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Assessment for Antillean Blacks in Costa Rica
Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References
Risk AssessmentDiscrimination against black Costa Ricans, known as the Garifuna people, does not appear to be condoned or sanctioned by the government, although the Garifuna elite claim that West Indian culture is in danger of disappearing in Costa Rica. Assimilation is required for entrance into many sectors of society. Despite the Garifuna elites' attempts at reviving their West Indian identity and discrediting discrimination, the majority of Costa Rican Garifunas seem to prefer to focus on concrete economic issues. The Garifuna community has polarized along elite-mass lines: the elite are attempting to preserve West Indian roots, while the poorer Garifunas are primarily concerned with economics and survival. This makes effective, mass-based mobilization for "Garifuna rights" difficult to achieve. Garifunas have held strikes and protests in Limon Province regularly for a decade, but the strikes are based on class issues, rather than race. However, as long as the ideology of Caribbean Garifunas in Costa Rica holds that discrimination is not racially and ethnically motivated, it will be nearly impossible for the Garifuna elite to mobilize them. While the Antillean Blacks of Costa Rica are territorially concentrated, their lack of recent rebellion and low level of group cohesion make this an unlikely strategy for the group. Instead, they remain at low risk for protests as long as they continue to face economic discrimination. Analytic SummaryCosta Rica's population includes two distinct populations of African descent. The first to arrive in Costa Rica was a small group of cacao plantation slaves who moved from the Atlantic side to the Pacific. They eventually assimilated into the Costa Rican Hispanic identity and are largely indistinguishable from the European and mestizo Costa Ricans (they do not identify themselves, nor are they identified by others as Garifuna). The Garifuna population that exists today is descended from post-colonial immigrants from the West Indies, primarily Jamaica, who reside almost exclusively on the Caribbean coast in the Province of Limon (GROUPCON = 3). Some have immigrated to San Jose to seek employment in the tourist industry; others have migrated to urban areas as professionals, but most remain in Limon. The arrival of the West Indian immigrants began in the 1870s and continued until the 1930s. They were recruited to work on the railroads and later employed on banana plantations owned by the United Fruit Company. English-speaking and Protestant, the West Indians have always varied greatly in education and income. However, most Garifunas lived quite favorably in comparison to the average Hispanic Costa Rican. In 1934, spurred by mestizo demands and a general economic decline, the government ceased granting entrance visas to Garifunas, forbade them from seeking employment outside the Atlantic zone, and required the United Fruit Company to end its past employment practices and hire Hispanics over Garifunas. The 1948 revolution led to the mobilization of the West Indians and ended discriminatory laws, giving Antillean Garifuna the full rights of Costa Rican citizenship. These newly politically active Garifunas began to move into the Meseta central; their knowledge of English enabled them to become key players in the tourist industry. By the 1970s an increasing number of Garifunas had mastered Hispanic culture and joined the professional class. Another group worked for the ports, railway, canal or the local oil refinery (RECOPE) as manual laborers. The majority of the Garifuna population remained unskilled and service laborers as well as small-scale farmers and vendors. West Indian culture in Costa Rica began to dissipate because knowledge of Hispanic culture was necessary for upward mobility and acceptance, though Garifuna professionals have shown interest in preserving their West Indian heritage. Despite this, Spanish has become the first language of many West Indians and Catholicism has gained widespread acceptance among the West Indians (BELIEF = 1). Most West Indians are bilingual (LANG = 1) and choose to master the Hispanic culture for greater economic opportunities. The ideology of Antillean Garifunas is that individual advancement follows from education and hard work, and any discrimination was not a result of racism. Social and cultural discrimination is considered a class-based problem. Advancement to higher socio-cultural statuses is expected to end discrimination, though the socio-economic group now most concerned with discrimination and maintaining Caribbean heritage are the Garifuna elites. This ethic of individualism and hard work has resulted in considerable advancement in the economic positions of some Garifunas, but has not eliminated discrimination on a mass level, as Garifunas continue to be on the periphery of the decision-making elite in Costa Rica. There has been political advancement, though it has been somewhat limited due to government neglect and their historical status (POLDIS06= 1). Economically, they have demanded that more tax revenues from banana exports be used in Limon (only 30 percent Garifuna) for better health and education facilities. The province as a whole is the poorest in Costa Rica, but this poverty crosses ethnic and racial lines. However, reports in recent years have indicated increased government investment in nursery schools in Limon where Afro-Costa Ricans are concentrated. Despite new schools, a high level of economic discrimination the Garifuna face remains (ECDIS01-06 = 1), their other grievances include: obtaining a greater share of public funds, access to greater economic opportunities, and improved working conditions (ECGR06= 2). In order to address these disparities some organizations have formed to provided educational techniques for fighting discrimination and to create opportunity for economic, cultural and social advancement of the Afro-Costa Rican community: Asociación para el Desarrollo de la Mujer Negra Costarricense and Asociación Proyecto Caribe (GOJPA06 = 1). ReferencesC.I.A World Factbook. "Costa Rica." 1994-2006. Civil Society- Organization of American States. 08/22/2007. "Solicitud de Participación en las Actividades de la OEA de Conformidad con el Artículo 6 de las Directrices para la Participación de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil en las Actividades de la Oea." http://www.civil-society.oas.org/Solicitudes%20-%20Aplication/Asociaci%C3%B3n%20para%20el%20Desarrollo%20de%20la%20Mujer%20Negra%20Costarricense%20-%20Centro%20de%20Mujeres%20Afrocostarricenses%20ESP.doc, accessed 01/21/09. Budowski, Monica, and Bixby, Luis Rosero. 2003. "Fatherless Costa Rica: Child Acknowledgement and support among lone mothers." Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 34:2. Lefever, Harry G. 1992. Turtle Bogue. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Press. Purcell, Trevor W. and Kathleen Sawyers. 1993. "Democracy and Ethnic Conflict: Garifunas in Costa Rica." Ethnic and Racial Studies 16:2. Sanchez, Margarita and Michael J. Franklin. 1996. "Communities of Afican Ancestry in Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, Argentina, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela." Forum on Poverty Alleviation for Minority Communities. SOS Children. 2000-2008. "Project: Conversion of the SOS Nursery School in Limón, Costa Rica, into an SOS Social Centre." http://www.soschildrensvillages.org.uk/sos-childrens-charity/projects/costa-rica.htm, accessed 01/21/09 Smith, Williams Evans.1983. Costa Rica: A Country Study Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Department of State. Background Notes. 1995. "Costa Rica." U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Costa Rica. 1994-2006. |
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